Friday , 01 July 2022
Introduction
The report is a media monitoring endeavor, as part of a larger project entitled “Inclusive Media, Cohesive Society” (IMeCS), which seeks to trace and combat hate speech while ensuring increased representation of marginalized groups. In the pursuit of a more inclusive and open media sphere, this report is the fourteenth in a series of studies which aims to monitor segments of problematic speech in various circles of socio-political influence, whether on social media or more traditional means of spreading information. Due to a variety of reasons, including but not restricted to deeply engrained sectarian tendencies and worsening economic hardship, the usage of bigoted and prejudiced rhetoric is recurrently instrumentalized in favor of an exclusionary and “othering” narrative. This reaffirms the necessity for highlighting these instances and bringing them to the fore in order to envision a more promising, ethical, and responsible space for users, producers, and commentators.
Background and Context
Before expanding on the implications of problematic, exclusionary, or incendiary speech directed towards marginalized social groups in the country, it is important that the context is carefully detailed in order to highlight the manner in which these events unfold.
The publication of various reports and press releases from international organizations at the beginning of 2022 allows us to acknowledge the severe impact of Lebanon’s deteriorating situation on hate speech in the country. Whether it is the World Bank noting a “deliberate depression [that] is leading to the disintegration of key pillars of Lebanon’s post-civil war political economy” or International Crisis Group affirming that “state institutions are also getting weaker, undermining the central security agencies’ capacity to maintain order amid a potential surge in social unrest,” the organizations are clearly stating that the worsening of the economic and financial crisis has disastrous consequences on the country. As such, in its report “Lebanon: Callous Disregard for Rights,” Human Rights Watch (HRW) noted that “more than 80 percent of the country’s residents lack access to basic rights,” with women facing more violence, people with disabilities being prevented from studying remotely, the LGBTQ+ community continuously facing discrimination, and migrant workers and refugees still being scapegoated and abused by society.
At the same time, the culture of impunity, which we have been monitoring for decades and is maintained by the elite controlling the political and economic system, allows us to affirm the systematization of this practice. The political-economic elite continues to play on sectarian and communal narratives to rally minds and stay in power. Thus, issues such as a political disagreement between Amal and the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) received more media attention than the assault on a domestic worker or the violations perpetuated by the kafala system. The deterioration of public institutions due to the economic crisis and political maneuvering reinforces the lack of accountability and vulnerability of marginalized communities in the country. In this regard, it is not surprising that political figures such as MP and former minister Ali Hassan Khalil defied judicial authorities by declaring that the arrest warrant for him regarding the port explosion was illegal and that he would ignore it.
The collapse of state institutions and the culture of impunity have also led to the systematization of online hate campaigns in the country. For example, Dalia Ahmad, a Sudanese-born presenter for the television station Al Jadeed, who criticized the Lebanese ruling class, including Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, has been racially harassed and targeted by Hezbollah online. This type of campaign can be understood as the manifestation of Hezbollah’s electronic army that influences social networks and media to censor any attack against its interests. A few months before the May 2022 elections, disinformation and electronic armies are common tools to maintain the status quo and silence the opposition. In an interview with The New Arab, Ayman Mhanna, the Executive Director of the Samir Kassir Foundation, said that “Hezbollah’s electronic army will try to censor any anti-Hezbollah voices or anything published against Nasrallah.” This January 2022 report on hate speech looks at the Lebanese media ecosystem to understand how marginalized communities are bearing the brunt of the culture of impunity and the maintenance of the status quo in the country.
Methodology
The methods used to locate, collect, and analyze the data pursued in this study, entail a classification based on the three types of platforms examined: Facebook, Twitter, and national television. Moreover, it is crucial to clarify that our study on Facebook specifically monitors problematic speech directed towards one marginalized group, i.e., this month, the LGBTQ+ community. This does not apply to the selection process pursued with Twitter and national television; in both cases, all instances of problematic/hate speech were targeted. Although the manner in which such speech is defined may vary, a flexible umbrella constituting irresponsible reporting, exaggerations, generalizations, incitement, and exclusionary rhetoric is adapted for our purposes.
Traditional Media
For national television or traditional media, the first step was to tackle all the stories related to marginalized groups (women/gender equality, people with disabilities, LGBTQ+, refugees/IDPs, migrant workers, and religious/racial denominations) in the media outlets of choice, to see if they are equally represented or overlooked by the media. The second step was to monitor the number of hate speech cases regarding marginalized groups, while taking into consideration the behavior of the host and the guest towards hate speech.
The content study monitored the main news bulletin and the content of prime talk shows of seven Lebanese channels in the period from January 1 to 7, 2022. Only the first seven days of each month are monitored.
The media outlet covered in the study are:
A total of 851 items monitored during this period were entered in a database, where six stories were identified related to marginalized groups, which included the following information:
Taking into account the difficulty of locating generalizable patterns across this study, we have fixated on keeping count of accessible posts and comments mentioning the LGBTQ community in a variety of ways on a number of platforms related to political parties, newspapers, news stations, news sites, and civil society organizations, especially posts which specifically contain problematic, exclusive, or bigoted content. Although ways in which such speech is defined may vary (“physical incitement” or “plain prejudiced reporting”), a flexible umbrella constituting irresponsible reporting, exaggerations, generalizations, incitement, and exclusivity will be highlighted in this study.
In total, 37 pages were examined via the Facebook search engine tool; all in all, approximately 24 reachable posts and comments tackled the community, and around 17 of them constituted problematic speech. The following keywords were used to locate the posts under study:
As for the time interval in which this information was collected, it strictly included posts and comments made between January 15 to 22, 2022. This interval also represents the range of the context elaborated and described in the first section.
Exceptionally, the report for this month does not include monitoring of hate speech on Twitter due to technical issues faced with the data extraction process.
Hate Speech in Traditional Media
The main topics of the news bulletin and the content of prime talk shows during the monitoring period of seven Lebanese channels: Al-Manar, OTV, NBN, LBCI, MTV, Al Jadeed, and Tele Liban, were divided into three categories:
During the monitoring period, the news bulletins recorded 851 stories, where six stories were identified related to marginalized groups, as shown in figure 1:
|
Channels |
NBN |
MTV |
Al Jadeed |
TL |
LBCI |
OTV |
Al Manar |
|
Total # of stories |
143 |
145 |
135 |
129 |
104 |
87 |
108 |
|
Stories on marginalized groups |
1 |
1 |
3 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
Figure 1: Breakdown of stories on Lebanese Channels (news bulletins)
Figure 2: Stories on marginalized groups to total number of stories (news bulletins)
We monitored the main political tall shows on the Lebanese TV channels: And Now What (Al Jadeed), Twenty30 (LBCI), Lebanon Today (TL), Today’s Discussion (OTV) and Talk of the Hour (Al-Manar), The Fourth Estate (NBN), and It’s About Time (MTV).
The prime time talk shows recorded 25 topics. None of these topics were identified as related to marginalized groups, as shown in figure 3. The main topics of discussion in the programs tackled the political dispute between Amal and FPM, the energy crisis in Lebanon that led to widening telecoms blackouts, Lebanese-Saudi relations, covid cases rise in Lebanon, and trauma.
It is also worth noting that the program “The Fourth Estate” on NBN was not broadcasted during the monitored week.
|
Channels |
NBN |
MTV |
Al Jadeed |
TL |
LBCI |
OTV |
Al Manar |
|
Total # of stories/sections |
0 |
6 |
5 |
4 |
4 |
3 |
3 |
|
Stories on marginalized groups |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
Figure 3: Stories breakdown on Lebanese Channels (talk shows)
Figure 4: Stories on marginalized groups to total number of stories (talk shows)
Figure 5: Comparison of story types in prime talk shows and news bulletins
It is worth mentioning that stories on LGBTQ+ were totally overlooked in both news bulletins and in prime time talk shows that were monitored.
This month no hate speech or problematic content was identified in both news bulletins and prime time talk shows.
Hate Speech on Facebook
One incident to exemplify the methods through which the LGBTQ+ community in Lebanon is legally and institutionally treated is the case of Hani Assaf, a drag activist who recently revealed that his criminal record mentions that he has practiced “sodomy,” further demonstrating the continuous stigma facing the community in the country. Accordingly, HRW’s 2021 Lebanon report stressed the extreme discriminatory limitations faced by transgender women in accessing necessary socio-economic and health-based services, particularly in the context of the deteriorating COVID-19 crisis.
A more comprehensive report was released by Deutsche Welle (DW) about the current freedom and security-related concerns and challenges faced by LGBTQ+ persons a year after the August 4 Beirut port explosion, taking note that many areas severely damaged by the blast, such as Mar Mikhael and Gemmayzeh, were considered friendly and relatively safe for large sections of the community. The report further expands on the psychological ramifications of the blast and the resulting socio-economic conditions on many community members, providing beneficial testimonies for this study.
Despite these challenges, important questions remain about the extent to which most media platforms have acted as useful or positive mediums for the purpose of this conversation. One notable example of this month’s events is a show hosted by journalist and TV personality Rabia Al Zayyat, in which a person was given much space to invoke and express immensely transphobic sentiment. The purpose of this report is to assess ways in which media outlets and user commentary on the former’s Facebook pages have tackled topics revolving around the LGBTQ+ community, noting the importance of this research in the pursuit of countering discriminatory discourse.
In order to concisely wrap up and visualize the data garnered, some charts and figures are found below. It is crucial to take into account that indications stemming from this data cannot be taken as conclusive or final due to the limited range in which this is being examined, alongside other variables which may reinforce bias.
Figure 6: Total number of problematic posts/comments v. Type of page
Figure 7: Number of problematic posts/comments on news stations’ Facebook pages
Figure 8: Number of problematic posts/comments on news sites’ Facebook pages
Figure 9: Percentage distribution of problematic posts/comments across types of pages
Figure 10: Percentage distribution of total posts/comments across types of pages
Key Insights and Comparative Indicators
As opposed to the September 2021 report on the commentary targeting the LGBTQ+ community, it is relatively clear that this month’s report puts forth a dominant theme: the reaction to the film Ashab Wala A’azz (Perfect Strangers). As Netflix’s first Arabic-speaking film, the movie generated a significant amount of controversy on a plethora of Facebook platforms, particularly that of newspapers, given its feature of a gay character. User response to the film primarily fixated on the notion that traditional barriers are being broken, and such a move would have heavy and negative ramifications on the Lebanese and broader Arab social sphere. Similar to the September report, homophobic content remains a weaponized tool in the pursuit of political point-scoring and shaming.
Nevertheless, on a more positive note, several users suggested that the movie accurately conveys the social dynamics realistically found in our society. Furthermore, one participant in the Samir Kassir Foundation’s “Pluralism Elves Program” (implemented in collaboration with Media Diversity Institute) highlighted the importance of bodily autonomy in response to homophobic sentiments espoused in the comment section.
On the other hand, it is rather evident that not much has been said about the community within the studied interval, particularly when contrasting the 24 reachable posts found for this month with the 1,870 posts in September. This is further exemplified by the little-to-no observable coverage of the subject on the platforms of traditional TV stations, raising questions about how the editorial line of these stations is positioned relative to contested topics of controversy or discussion.
Conclusion
Despite the culture of impunity in the country, it is also worth noting the positive evolution of media outlets and organizations fighting against these dynamics and practices. For example, media outlets such as Daraj do not hesitate to report the difficulties that marginalized communities may face, such as the story of the 30 Kenyans sleeping outside the Kenyan consulate demanding to go home or the marginalizing role of women in history and education in Lebanon. Similarly, media outlets such as the Public Source, Megaphone, Beirut Today, and The961 do not hesitate to give voice to marginalized communities while challenging the status quo maintained by the warlords.
At the same time, civil society continues to mobilize to fight hate speech and fake news. In January, a workshop organized by the Dawaer Foundation provided training to some 50 Lebanese media students on combating hate speech and fake news. On the other hand, the Qorras platform, a group of queer feminists, has developed podcasts where sexuality and mental health issues are discussed, creating a sense of community among LGBTQ+ people.
Despite these positive steps that bring some relief to marginalized communities, hate speech against them continues to be systemic. Without a national policy or more active civil society support, the situation of marginalized communities in Lebanon will not improve. Gender-based violence and sexual harassment will continue to shape the discourse against women and the LGBTQ+ community, while racism and scapegoating will persist against migrant workers and refugees, and people with disabilities will continue to struggle to be an integral part of society.