Wednesday , 13 July 2022
A GLOBAL DECLINE IN FREEDOM OF THE PRESS
Introduction
The report is a media monitoring endeavor, as part of a larger project entitled “Inclusive Media, Cohesive Society” (IMeCS), which seeks to trace and combat hate speech while ensuring increased representation of marginalized groups. In the pursuit of a more inclusive and open media sphere, this report is the sixteenth in a series of studies which aims to monitor segments of problematic speech in various circles of socio-political influence, whether on social media or more traditional means of spreading information. Due to a variety of reasons, including but not restricted to deeply engrained sectarian tendencies and worsening economic hardship, the usage of bigoted and prejudiced rhetoric is recurrently instrumentalized in favor of an exclusionary and “othering” narrative. This reaffirms the necessity for highlighting these instances and bringing them to the fore in order to envision a more promising, ethical, and responsible space for users, producers, and commentators.
Background and context
Before expanding on the implications of problematic, exclusionary, or incendiary speech directed towards marginalized social groups in the country, it is important that the context is carefully detailed in order to highlight the manner in which these events unfold.
With the publication by UNESCO of its report on Global Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development this month, the various violations against journalists and media reported by the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKF) seem to confirm a decline in press freedom not only in Lebanon but also on a global scale. The report confirms that the closure of several Lebanese media outlets is part of a broader dynamic of disruption of the traditional media business model. According to the report, two companies, Google and Meta, now receive about half of all global digital ad spending. At the same time, the growing political pressure against journalists in Lebanon, monitored by the SKF, seems to be accompanied by an alarming general deterioration in the safety of journalists. Inevitably, attacks on press freedom and economic pressures reduce the media’s ability to promote inclusive media platforms and combat hate speech.
With the worsening economic and financial crisis and the culture of impunity in the country, these struggles are made all the more difficult to pursue in Lebanon. As such, it is not surprising to see the status quo maintained at best, if not an increase in hate speech in an exclusive environment compared to the report written for the same period last year. For example, the SKF concluded in March 2021 that the country had not taken the opportunity of Women’s Day to promote women’s rights and expose their struggle in the Lebanese media. One year later, monitoring content on Facebook, in the traditional media and Twitter confirms that women remain second-class citizens while they are the subject of many problematic rhetorical discourses revealing systemic violence. In some cases, PM Najib Mikati, who wanted to celebrate Lebanese women on International Women’s Day, subordinated the latter to men, describing them as an “essential partner” who “strengthens the resolve of everyone around her.” Violence, in addition to media platforms and political discourses, is sometimes more alarming and is characterized by crimes such as the murder of four women in the southern town of Ansar justified on sexist grounds by social media users.
The same dynamic can be found among the Syrian refugee communities in Lebanon who, in addition to being subjected to online hate speech, find themselves marginalized in society and even sent back to their country despite the security problems they may face. This month, the Access Center for Human Rights documented a rise in arbitrary arrests of Syrian refugees from 25 cases in 2020 to 139 cases in 2021. Despite the danger that these arbitrary detentions can represent, ranging from enforced disappearance to the risk of torture and the absence of basic needs and medical care, very few media outlets have reported on these cases other than international organizations that have written press statements such as Amnesty International. This lack of coverage accentuates the marginalization of communities and normalizes hate speech, which is particularly worrisome in the run-up to the Lebanese general elections scheduled for May 15, 2022. In the coming weeks, it would not be surprising to see an increase in stigmatizing rhetoric in social networks and media affiliated with traditional political parties trying to galvanize crowds and garner electoral votes.
Methodology
The methods used to locate, collect, and analyze the data pursued in this study, entails a classification based on the three types of platforms examined: Facebook, Twitter, and national television. Moreover, it is crucial to clarify that our study on Facebook specifically monitors problematic speech directed towards one marginalized group, i.e., this month, migrant workers. This does not apply to the selection process pursued with Twitter and national television; in both cases, all instances of problematic/hate speech were targeted. Although the manner in which such speech is defined may vary, a flexible umbrella constituting irresponsible reporting, exaggerations, generalizations, incitement, and exclusionary rhetoric is adapted for our purposes.
Traditional Media
For national television, or traditional media, the first step was to tackle all the stories related to marginalized groups (women/gender equality, people with disabilities, LGBTQ+ community, refugees/IDPs, migrant workers, and religious/racial denominations) in the media outlets of choice, to see if they are equally represented or overlooked by the media. The second step was to monitor the number of hate speech cases regarding marginalized groups, while taking into consideration the behavior of the host and the guest towards hate speech.
The study monitored the main news bulletin and the content of prime talk shows of seven Lebanese channels in the period from March 1 to 7, 2022. Only the first seven days of each month are monitored.
The media outlet covered in the study are:
A total of 932 items monitored during this period were entered in a database, where five stories were identified related to marginalized groups, which included the following information:
While one ought to be cautious about the statistical accuracy of any findings within such a limited time interval and sample, the method used in this study centered on making sense of accessible online content discussing or tackling migrant domestic workers on a particular number of pages of political parties, newspapers, news stations, news sites, and civil society organizations (CSOs). We also directly observe any alarming speech or discourse targeting the community in general, given the overall exploitive relationship between employers and migrants in Lebanon. Although the attitudes in which such a discourse is delimited may vary (“physical incitement” or “bigoted reporting”), a flexible broader conception constituting irresponsible reporting, exaggerations, generalizations, incitement, and exclusivity is put to use for the purposes of this study.
In total, 38 pages were examined via the Facebook search engine tool; all in all, 802 reachable posts and comments tackled migrant workers and their needs and/or desires, and 22 of them constituted problematic speech. The following keywords were used to locate the posts under study:
As for the time interval in which this information was collected, it strictly included posts and comments made from March 15 to 22, 2022. Meanwhile, the background information demonstrated above in the first section attempts to position this data into a broader context and timeframe in order to make sense of the monitoring process, given the country’s political and economic context.
Hate Speech in Traditional Media
The main topics of the news bulletin and the content of prime talk shows during the monitoring period of seven Lebanese channels: Al-Manar, OTV, NBN, LBCI, MTV, Al Jadeed, and Télé Liban focused on:
During the monitoring period, the news bulletins recorded 932 stories, where five stories were identified related to marginalized groups, as shown in figure 1:
|
Channels |
NBN |
MTV |
Al Jadeed |
TL |
LBCI |
OTV |
Al Manar |
|
Total # of stories |
170 |
161 |
131 |
145 |
116 |
113 |
96 |
|
Stories on marginalized groups |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
Figure 1: Breakdown of stories on Lebanese Channels (news bulletins)
Figure 2: Stories on marginalized groups to total number of stories (news bulletins)
The prime time talk shows recorded 23 topics. None of these topics were identified as related to marginalized groups, as shown in figure 3. The main topics of discussion in the programs tackled the upcoming parliamentary elections: candidates and electoral lists, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the implementation of anti-corruption reforms in Lebanon.
Seven prime-time talk shows are monitored: It’s About Time (MTV), And Now What (Al-Jadeed), Twenty30 (LBCI), Lebanon Today (TL), Today’s Discussion (OTV), Talk of the Hour (Al-Manar), and The Fourth Estate (NBN).
|
Channels |
NBN |
MTV |
Al Jadeed |
TL |
LBCI |
OTV |
Al Manar |
|
Total # of stories/sections |
3 |
5 |
2 |
4 |
5 |
2 |
2 |
|
Stories on marginalized groups |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
Figure 3: Stories breakdown on Lebanese Channels (talk shows)
Figure 4: Stories on marginalized groups to total number of stories (talk shows)
Figure 5: Comparison on story types in prime talk shows and news bulletins
It is worth mentioning that stories on LGBTQ+ were clearly overlooked in both news bulletins and prime time talk shows that were monitored.
This month no hate speech or problematic content was identified in both news bulletins and prime time talk shows.
Hate Speech on Facebook
In light of the recent socio-economic developments in Lebanon, and as mentioned in prior reports on this particular matter, the economic crisis’ ramifications on the vast majority of the Lebanese population has de facto implications on domestic workers, their wages, human rights, and working hours. Since 2019, thousands of migrant workers have returned to their countries under special repatriation programs.
Naturally, the increase in labor rights violations targeting migrant workers has led to legal contestation between these workers and employers, exemplified by the lawsuit filed by Meseret Hailu Deneke against her former employer, May Saadeh, 49, as well as the Lebanese recruitment agency that brought her to Lebanon. While the Ministry of Labor has opted to investigate the abuses permitted by the infamous kafala system, described as a system likened to ‘modern day slavery,’ one would assume that most observers and commentators on this particular matter are at least skeptical of the ministry’s capacity given the government’s overall paralysis in the past year.
In the past week, two particular events related to migrants surfaced, the first being a murder incident targeting a household employer. This sparked a moral conversation about the context in which this took place. Moreover, a play performed in Beirut named “The Black Hole” aimed to scrutinize the country’s justice system and how migrant workers are outliers in the system.
Amid the nefarious reality of the kafala system and its direct impact over the lives of tens of thousands of migrant workers, very little coverage is offered to their plight as the vast majority of citizens and residents are distracted and overwhelmed by significant local economic and political transformations occurring, including but not restricted to continuous economic deterioration, the fate of bank depositors, and the upcoming parliamentary elections. In such a turbulent context, many social groups, mainly migrant domestic workers, are further marginalized and forgotten.
In order to summarize and visualize the data gathered, a few charts and graphs are presented below. It is crucial to take into account that indications stemming from this data cannot be taken as conclusive or final due to the limited range in which this is being examined, alongside other variables which may reinforce bias.
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Figure 6: Percentage distribution of total comments/posts across types of pages
Figure 7: Distribution of problematic comments/posts v. Type of page
Figure 8: Number of problematic comments/posts on news sites’ Facebook pages
Figure 9: Number of problematic comments/posts on newspapers’ Facebook pages
Figure 10: Number of problematic comments/posts on news stations’ Facebook pages
Figure 11: Number of problematic comments/posts on political parties’ Facebook pages
Figure 12: Percentage distribution of problematic comments/posts across types of pages
Key Insights and Comparative Indicators
Thematically, the vast majority of the content can be put into two categories. The first category concerns the commentary related to incidents in which migrant workers have “deceived” or harmed their employers (one of the incidents is a murder case that took place in the South of Lebanon). On the other hand, the second category concerns content displayed by pro-rights solidarity and organizer pages, either exposing cases of exploitation by Lebanese employers or showcasing ways in which migrant workers are sustaining themselves in Lebanon in the context of the economic crisis.
Interestingly, in the case of the first category, the majority of responders in the comments were sympathetic to the worker (as opposed to the vast majority of user interactions examined in prior reports), suggesting that any harm done on the part of the worker herself was most probably a reaction to years of exploitation and abuse. Nevertheless, some users did put forth generalizable and discriminatory comments which subtly suggested that migrants are inherently untrustworthy. Accordingly, participants in Samir Kassir Foundation’s “Pluralism Elves Program” program (implemented in collaboration with Media Diversity Institute) took part in a counter-hate speech strategy in the pursuit of challenging such exclusivist discourse with one based on understanding, pluralism, and nuance.
Similar to the third report on commentary about migrant workers published in November 2021, the online platforms of civil society organizations make up the vast majority of content; this is primarily attributed to the page “This is Lebanon.” One potential conclusion is that while the vast majority of platforms in Lebanon do not sufficiently tackle the plight and events related to migrant workers, a few rights groups and CSOs attempt to fill the gap. This reinforces the hypothesis that migrants, in specific, and foreign workers in general, are practically erased from the conversation in media and politics.
Conclusion
After more than a year of monitoring media and social networks in Lebanon, it is fair to say that hate speech and lack of inclusion of minorities are an integral part of the Lebanese media landscape. Nevertheless, some media outlets and organizations are genuinely willing to have a more inclusive discourse.
This is Lebanon 961 Instagram page, which advocates for the rights of migrant domestic workers in Lebanon, for example, launched the “End Ban Mai’s decade of enslavement!” campaign to get a family to stop ignoring the request of their domestic worker to return home and receive her due after 13 years of work in the country. They even went so far as to call on the Lebanese justice system to prosecute another family for forcing migrant domestic workers to work without pay for at least 110 months. On the other hand, the “Freedom for Sajita” campaign created by the NGO Domestic Workers Unite, and spread on social media, led to the release of Nepalese worker Sajita Lama after ten years of slavery in Lebanon. The success of this initiative is a reminder of the positive impact that social networks can have when they are not used to promote hate speech or further alienate marginalized populations.
While it is essential to speak out against the normalization of hate speech and the lack of inclusion of marginalized communities in the media, it is also important to highlight initiatives that promote a healthier and more inclusive media environment.